• A call for immigration reform: a response to the northern triangle epidemic

      Tejada, Michelle (2020-05)
      The current immigration crisis is a global humanitarian crisis. As members of the United Nations, the United States of America has a responsibility to provide aid to those seeking refuge from dangerous conditions in their home countries. In recent decades, however, the United States’ response to an influx in immigration has walked a fine line on constitutionality. This paper discusses the causes of migration to the United States with particular emphasis on the Northern Triangle of Central America (NTCA) which consists of the following countries: El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, where the majority of immigrants seeking asylum in the United States are coming from. It analyzes the United States’s response to this humanitarian crisis, as the U.S. has failed to adequately provide refuge to immigrants from the NTCA. It exposes the discriminatory policies that exist in the United States, the racialization of the United States’s approach, and the malpractices of U.S. immigration agencies such as Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP). This study ultimately questions the constitutionality of these laws and practices, critiques them, and offers a more humane approach while still maintaining national security.
    • How presidential ideology affects temporary protected status

      Drewniak, Kelsey (2022-05)
      In his State of the Union Address, given on March 1, 2022, President Joseph Biden mentioned the need for immigration reform that would benefit those who hold temporary immigration status. But who are these people? The temporary migrants this paper will focus on are those with Temporary Protected Status. People with this status are from a country which has been designated as having extreme temporary conditions that would make repatriation dangerous for the migrant. But who decides which countries get designated and why? The Secretary of Homeland Security, designated by the president and carrying out their orders, makes the designation announcements. Though there is no clear reason as to why they designate some countries and not others, even if conditions are similar. This paper will investigate to see if the ideology of the president influences TPS designations. I hypothesize that presidents who have a conservative ideology are less likely to designate countries for TPS than presidents with liberal ideologies. This paper will explain TPS law and analyze immigration theory by drawing connections between theory and TPS designations. Then, it will discuss the effect of ideology on decision making and describe the developing political polarization in the US. With this foundation and basic understanding of TPS policy, presidential ideology, and political polarization, a chi square test will determine if the ideology of the president has an effect on TPS designations. This will be followed by discussing the results of this experiment in the larger sense of the policy. To finish, policy recommendations will be given that could fix some of the current problems with TPS in practice.
    • Immigration reform in America: the history of policies, their implications and effective interventions

      Sierra, Cory (2021-05)
      The history of immigration policies in the U.S. reveals an ongoing cycle that poses barriers for immigrants of all ages...These hardships put immigrants at higher risk for physical and mental illnesses and their lack of access to resources along with other barriers decreases their ability to seek or receive treatment. By examining the reasoning behind these policies as well as key factors that impair the wellbeing of immigrants the need for social support and access to services was identified.
    • A Re-evaluation on racism: how a strong U.S. tradition of anti Mexican sentiment was responsible for the 1930s Mexican repatriation crisis

      Donofrio, Nikki (2018-10)
      My paper will discuss the events that led to the 1930s Mexican repatriation crisis as well as the social and cultural motivations of racism that allowed for both the local and national government to repatriate around 400,000 Mexicans during 1930-32. The most agreed upon number is 400,000 and that includes lawful U.S. residents, illegal aliens, and Mexican Americans who were U.S. citizens. While it has most often been cited as an outcome of the economic depression during the late 1920s and early 1930s, the specific brand of anti Mexican racism that flourished post 1924 Immigration Act cannot be ignored. By looking at specific case studies, such as the Los Angeles La Placita Raid and repatriation processes in cities like Detroit and Gary, Indiana, I was able to identify a frustration targeted against anyone Mexican, automatically labeled a non-citizen, disguised as economic anxiety. These events and the racism that motivated them cannot be ignored, especially in today’s mindset of ‘America First’.
    • Second language acquisition in immigrant groups in Germany

      Cagar, Nicole (2018-05)
      After the fall of the Nazi regime, Germany’s immigration policy drastically changed. The need for guest workers (Gastarbeiter) was high in order to rebuild German infrastructure, with a majority of the guest workers coming from Turkey. Prior to and after the fall of the Berlin Wall, ethnic German Russians (Aussiedler) repatriated back to Germany, representing a second major wave of immigrants in the postwar era. The contemporary international crisis in Syria has led to an influx of refugees and Arabic speaking populations in Germany. As a result of these historical shifts in the latter half of twentieth century Germany to the present, Germany has taken language acquisition more seriously and consequently sees itself as an immigration nation. This is an overview of scholarship informing the context for second language acquisition among immigrants in Germany. This study explores language acquisition among these groups and finds that Turkish people do the best at learning German.
    • Why there are no black Dominicans: how anti-Haitian sentiment in the era of Trujillo and the deeply rooted black history of the island of Hispaniola affects how Dominicans racially identify in New York today

      Frasco, Melissa (2020-12)
      Within the island of Hispaniola are two countries: the Dominican Republic and Haiti. In 1808 the island was split into two distinct areas and today remains segregated geographically and culturally. Haiti is often associated with poverty, corrupt governments, and blackness, while the Dominican Republic is associated with tropical vacations, baseball, and the Caribbean. By considering the role of socio-political, historical, and ethno-cultural factors in Dominicans’ racial self-identification, this study examines why some Dominicans may not identify as “Black” despite the history of the African slave trade across the island. Using a snowball sampling method to identify study participants, I interviewed Dominican individuals about their racial self- identification and the cultural factors that influenced them. The view of race will be recognized as both a construct and as a significant factor in one’s identity. My research provides insights into how Dominicans in New York identify ethnically, racially, and culturally. Dominicans have a complicated relationship with race, partially due to the thirty-year reign of General Rafael Trujillo, whose promotion of a racial ideology associates blackness with Haitians rather than Dominicans, the historical colonization of the island, post-coloniality, and migration. Dominicans have a notoriously complicated relationship with blackness, when referred to as Black (in the United States) some Dominicans are quick to retort back phrases such as “I’m not Black, I’m Dominican!”. The Dominican racial identity and its relationship with the country of Haiti cannot be explained by the simplicity of the United States racial binary of Black or white. However, Dominicans have historically migrated to states such as New York, New Jersey, and Florida and continue to straddle racial imaginaries spanning from Latin America and the Caribbean to the receiving country.